Past Events

April 29, 2013

Do open primaries help moderate candidates? While many theorize that allowing voters to choose candidates from any party in primaries will alleviate polarization, evidence has been mixed. To further address this question, we conducted a statewide experiment just prior to California’s June 2012 primaries, the first conducted under the Top-Two Primaries Act. We randomly assigned 2839 registered voters in districts where moderate candidates faced extreme candidates to be asked about their vote choice on either the new ballot or on the ballot they would have seen absent the reform. We find that moderate candidates for the House of Representatives and California’s State Senate fared no better under the open primary. The top-two primary failed to improve moderates’ electoral fortunes because of voters’ scant knowledge of the candidates. While voters are generally quite moderate, they largely failed to discern ideological differences between extreme and moderate candidates of the same party, particularly among non-incumbents. Although these results cannot speak to how elected officials will behave in office post-reform, they suggest that voters lack the knowledge necessary to incentivize moderateness in a top-two primary.  

April 26, 2013

Today the concept of patriotism has fallen on hard times, at least among philosophers.  Patriotism is widely taken to be an atavistic sentiment displaying an unenlightened and undeserved preference for one’s own.  In this paper I try to make the case for patriotism as a virtue along Aristotelian lines, that is, as a mean between the two extremes of nationalism and cosmopolitanism.  Patriotism, I want to argue, when well-understood is an ennobling and elevating sentiment.  It is not just a form of indoctrination but includes the qualities of civility, law-abidingness, love of honor, courage, and loyalty.

April 26, 2013

Can progressive, statutory legal reform improve the lives of the poor in places where formal legal institutions have limited reach? Using new survey data on over 4,500 legal disputes in rural Liberia, we show that the vast majority of cases are taken to customary institutions, including by demographic groups who possess limited customary rights, such as women, minorities and the poor. We develop and test a simple model of forum choice in which the socially disadvantaged trade off the repressive aspects of customary law against the formal system's high costs and punitive approach to justice. Consistent with the model, plaintiffs facing a disadvantageous pairing under the custom---e.g., women suing men---are more likely to choose the formal system and are relatively happier when they do. We apply these insights to a randomized trial of a pro bono legal aid program designed to overcome the tradeoff between restorative customary remedies and more egalitarian formal law. On average, legal aid has strong and robust impacts on case outcomes, as well as significant downstream economic benefits---including increases of 0.24 and 0.38 standard deviations, respectively, in household and child food security. Furthermore, in line with our model, both demand for and impacts of the program are greater for plaintiffs facing poor odds in the customary system. Our results suggest that there are large socioeconomic gains to be had from improving access to formal law, by making its institutions more competitive with the organizational forms of the custom.

April 22, 2013

American are flocking to social media.  In doing so, we empower friends and acquaintances to influence our information environment, affect how we think about politics, and ultimately how we engage in political activity.  This work tests social media's influence on mass political behavior with a large scale (N=1.6M, 12.3K survey responses), long term (72 day) field experiment that increased the amount of political news treated users saw in their Facebook news feeds during the 2012 campaign.  The scope and scale of the data allow for an extensive analysis of when and for whom these heterogenous treatment effects were most powerful, thanks to behavioral data on Facebook use, exposure to, and consumption of political information (pre-treatment)---obtained by utilizing supervised text classification; incorporating measures of ego-network political identification and behavior; and exploiting conventional demographic variables.  Findings show that political information encountered in social media increased the salience of politics, led to stronger political opinions, and increased voter turnout.

April 19, 2013

In this paper I address an issue concerning the site of anti-perfectionist liberalism. After briefly describing different conceptions of parental perfectionism, I set out an argument for extending anti-perfectionism to the raising of children, which implies that enrolling children into controversial comprehensive practices and encouraging them to form particular comprehensive beliefs are illegitimate. One objection to parental anti-perfectionism is that it leaves space for only insipid conceptions of upbringing and parenting. I respond to that objection by elaborating some of the positive features of anti-perfectionist childrearing on the basis of which we might evaluate different kinds of parenting as more or less successful. The paper finishes by addressing a different objection, that anti-perfectionist childrearing is unattractive because it implies that when educating children parents and others may not take a stand on the soundness of Darwinian evolution as an account of natural history.

April 19, 2013

Comparative political economy offers a wealth of hypotheses connecting political decentralization to improved public service delivery. In recent years, influential formal and experimental work has begun to question the underlying theory and empirical analyses of previous findings. At the same time, many countries have grown dissatisfied with the results of their decentralization efforts and have begun to reverse them. Vietnam is particularly intriguing because of the unique way in which it designed its recentralization, piloting a removal of elected People’s Councils in ninety-nine districts across the country and stratifying the selection by region, type of province, and urban versus rural setting. We take advantage of the opportunity provided by this quasi-experiment to test the core hypotheses regarding the decision to shift political and fiscal authority to local governments. We find that recentralization significantly improved public service delivery in areas important to central policy-makers, especially in transportation, healthcare, and communications.

April 12, 2013

I argue that free will and determinism are compatible, even when we take free will to require the ability to do otherwise and even when we interpret that ability modally, as the possibility of doing otherwise, and not just conditionally or dispositionally. My argument draws on a distinction between physical and agential possibility. Although in a deterministic world only one future sequence of events is physically possible for each state of the world, the more coarsely defined state of an agent and his or her environment can be consistent with more than one such sequence, and thus different actions can be “agentially possible”. The agential perspective is supported by our best theories of human behaviour, and so we should take it at face value when we refer to what an agent can and cannot do. On the picture I defend, free will is not a physical phenomenon, but a higher-level one on a par with other higher-level phenomena such as agency and intentionality.

April 8, 2013

Justin Grimmer is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science.  His research interests include political representation, Congress, bureaucracies, and political methodology.  His book project, Representational Style: What Legislators Say and Why It Matters, demonstrates that to understand how representation occurs in Congress, one must examine how legislators engage constituents outside of it.  Justin received his PhD from Harvard University in 2010 and his AB from Wabash College.  During academic years 2011-2013, Justin will be a visiting fellow at the Hoover Institute.   

April 5, 2013

John Tomasi did his graduate work in political philosophy at the University of Arizona (M.A.) and Oxford University (B.Phil., D.Phil.). He has held positions at Princeton, Stanford, and Harvard. Tomasi is currently Professor of Political Science and Philosophy at Brown University where he is the founding director of The Political Theory Project. He also holds an appointment at the University of Arizona's Freedom Center. In addition to numerous scholarly articles, Tomasi is the author of Liberalism Beyond Justice (Princeton) and Free Market Fairness (Princeton).

March 15, 2013

Both parents and children have strong interests associated with the childrearing process.  Children have an interest in being raised in a particular manner, while parents have an interest in parenting in a particular manner.  Whose interests should serve as the foundation for parental rights?  Although parents have an interest in rearing their children as they see fit, no rights follow from that interest.  Parental interests can generate rights to become a parent, but they do not determine the scope and content of the control rights that attach to this role.  The rights that characterise the parental role are grounded solely on the interests of children.